Here is the full text of the Lecture
on “Democracy and Defence Policy” delivered by the Minister of Defence Shri Pranab Mukherjee at the
3rd Krishan Kant Memorial Lecture here today.
“Ladies
and Gentlemen,
I deem
it a great honour and privilege to have been asked to deliver this prestigious
Lecture in the memory of Revered Shri Krishan Kant, former Vice-President
of our country, Chairman of Rajya Sabha and an inspiration to millions for
his simplicity and selflessness.
I begin
by paying my tribute to Late Shri Krishan Kant, an ardent patriot, a distinguished
public figure of our nation, an eminent parliamentarian, an acclaimed intellectual
and, above all, a fine, socially sensitive, human being who never compromised
with his convictions and dedicated himself for the welfare of the people.
Krishan Kantji was born on February 28, 1927, in Kot Mohammed Khan village
in Amritsar. His father, Lala Achint Ram, was a member of the Constituent
Assembly and later became a Member of Parliament. Hailing from a family of
illustrious freedom fighters he actively participated in the struggle for
the country’s freedom from foreign rule. He did his masters degree in technology from the Benaras Hindu University
and worked as a scientist with the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research
in New Delhi. He was an activist, a visionary, a true practitioner of value-based
politics and a highly revered moral force in our public life. He was also
a staunch Gandhian and spearheaded the Bhoodan Movement in Punjab. He distinguished
himself by fighting against the aberrations in our political system.
He had
a long association with the well-known Servants of the People Society, founded
by Lala Lajpat Rai, of which he was elected the President in 1991. Krishan
Kantji best exemplified ‘The Pledge’ of the Society that: “The service of
the country will occupy first place in my thoughts and, in serving the country,
I shall not be actuated by motives of personal advancement.”
The presence
of so many outstanding personalities from various walks of life at this function
amply testifies to the respect in which Late Krishan Kantji is held by all
sections of the society and the relevance of the ideals and values cherished
by him.
Krishan
Kantji was a true democrat and deeply committed to the country’s security.
I have therefore chosen to speak on the theme “Democracy and Defence Policy”
Friends,
our country is a strong, stable and a vibrant democracy. We have chosen this system of governance to
chart out our course of development and social justice. Democracy is a dynamic
form that has its origins both in ancient India and in Greek experimentations
with the ‘polis’, which was created on the principle of ‘rule by the people’.
Democracy
as a universal concept has seen many variations and much co-option to suit
various purposes. The Greek concept of active participation of citizenry in the
affairs of the State gave way to Roman Republicanism, reinforced during the
Renaissance. Further realisation that religion was a divisive force led to the
separation of powers between the church and the rulers. The nature and limits
of political authority, law, duty and rights became a preoccupation of European
political thought and the foundation of modern liberal theory in the works of
Bodin, Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau. This theory justified the sovereign power of
the State while trying to lay down the limits to its power. Representative
democracies became, as James Mill said, “the grand discovery of all times”. The
immortal words of Mahatma Gandhi on democracy resonate from his statement -
“The very essence of democracy is that every person represents all the varied
interests which compose the nation”.
The
foundations of a democratic structure in India were laid in the Constitution
itself, where, because of the sagacity, wisdom and foresight of the framers of
the Constitution, the complexity of our society and also its capacity for
self-correction is reflected. Ours is a vast country characterised by much
diversity, but our conviction that diversity can be a greater source of
strength than any imposed uniformity has prevented parochial passions from
becoming a divisive force. Responsiveness to and accommodation of legitimate
local grievances has lent strength to our democratic polity. To us, freedom
from colonialism was the beginning of a new journey, the pathway to changes
that had been held in abeyance, and an opportunity to rid Indian society of
hierarchy and social inequality. Freedom can be complete only when equality is
not the preserve of a small power elite and when Government is of all the
people and for all the people. Our political process has succeeded in ensuring
the involvement of all sections of our vast population.
If we
look around and compare the democratic functioning in India with other nations,
who also got freedom from foreign rule more or less around the same time, we
have good reason for satisfaction. The Supreme Court has appropriately called
India “an oasis of Democracy”.
The link
between civil society, state and citizenship is yet another defining feature of
our democracy. The strength of a democratic polity depends upon the extent to
which civil society and the state acknowledge the claims of equal citizenship.
In a democracy the state has an obligation to enunciate a framework and protect
a body of laws that enhance equal citizenship. A strong civil society testifies
to the fulfilment of this obligation. And, conversely, a weak civil society
points to the need to pressure the state to honour its most fundamental
obligation.
Friends,
I should now discuss some key features of a democracy:
First,
it should have electoral legitimacy. The ultimate measure of a democracy that
makes it functional is the existence of a legal electoral process, which
ensures that the power of choosing who represents them is firmly based on
individual votes of people. The successful functioning of the electoral system
lies in free and fair elections being held at regular intervals. In India, we
have a well-established, transparent, free and fair system and process of
elections. The integrity of our electoral process is acknowledged the world
over. We have a multi-tier democracy in the country. We have an efficient and
completely independent election commission.
Secondly,
to ensure accountability, checks and balances are built within the system of
governance to ensure against the misuse of power.
Third,
we need to have effective constitutional safeguards to protect our basic
rights.
Appropriate
constitutional provisions can help to protect and safeguard rights of a
citizenry and also lay down the duties and obligations of the government
towards the people and vice versa. The Indian constitution has excellent
safeguards by way of Fundamental Rights and also Directive Principles of State
Policy. These rights are carefully protected by the Judiciary.
Finally,
a democracy needs strong institutions so that it can function smoothly. It
needs an independent and separate Legislature, Judiciary and Executive and a
vibrant media. It requires political parties, electoral systems and security
forces that uphold the interests of the people. In India, we have a completely independent Judiciary which does
not hesitate to differ with the Executive, our media is fiercely independent,
and the Parliament also vigorously defends its domain.
Let me
now discuss how democracy influences the shaping of defence policy. Here, when I refer to defence, I really mean
defence in its most comprehensive sense and not in the narrow sense of defence
against military aggression alone. The
real defence of any country is the comprehensive security of the nation in all
its aspects, including internal security and human security.
Democracy
influences both the process and the content of defence policy. Thus, in a democratic set up, defence policy
is based on a consultative process. Its
goals and objectives, as well as many finer details, are often debated in
Parliament, the media, by think tanks and during election campaigns. This process ensures a more participative,
inclusive and transparent defence policy.
This indeed is the case in India and other democracies.
An
important outcome of this process is that democratic governments cannot
concentrate on militarization alone.
They have to balance the needs of other sectors, like the economy,
health and education, with the requirements of defence. This ensures that there is no emphasis on
militarization and on an aggressive defence policy. It is well known that democracies do not go to war with each
other. The reason for this is that
ordinary people want peace and prosperity and democratic governments have to
reflect this aspiration in their defence policy. On the other hand, dictatorial regimes have compulsions to spend
large amounts on military, to take care of both domestic instability and regime
survival against external intervention.
History is replete with such instances in the past and there are many
contemporary examples today. This
indeed is the case with democratic India’s defence policy, which has always
focused on its own defence and has never contemplated aggression, even against
its smallest neighbour. India’s defence
expenditure in early years of its independence was below two per cent of
GDP. Even now, it is less than 2.5 per
cent, despite the many real threats it has to face. Compare this to the amounts that some of our neighbours spend on
military!
Another important outcome of
defence policy making through a democratic process is that such a process
enables nations to develop comprehensive national strength. The concept of comprehensive national
strength includes economic strength, technological strength, infrastructure and
other important aspects that help to build up a nation’s power. A country cannot be defended by its military
power alone. Recent history shows that
even great powers with huge militaries can
face serious difficulties in achieving their goals and can even
disintegrate, due to the weight of their own internal contradictions. In India, we have been able to develop
comprehensive national strength and today we are counted amongst the world’s
most important powers. This is not only
on account of our military but also due to our economy, our science and
technology, our knowledge power, our sunrise industries and our democracy.
Given
its vigilant citizens with a stake in the security of the nation, the genuine
requirements of defence are taken care of in democracies. Thus, despite the fact that India has been
peace loving, it has always made an effort to keep pace with the latest defence
technologies. In its initial years,
India had opposed nuclear weapons tooth and nail and favoured complete
disarmament. But, when the powerful
nations of the world did not give up nuclear weapons and when our neighbours
developed their own nuclear weapons, the Indian democracy showed enough dynamism
and flexibility to change its policy and develop nuclear deterrence. However, our nuclear doctrine affirms that
India will not resort to first strike and never use nuclear weapons against
non-nuclear weapon states. Thus, even
India’s nuclear doctrine has a purely defensive orientation. India’s nuclear policy has evolved over time
and is based on its essentially consensual approach in matters of national
security.
Democracies
are more effective in addressing the internal dimensions of a country’s
security. Thus despite our many
religious, cultural and linguistic diversities, we have been able to maintain a
great deal of internal cohesion and stability.
There are, of course, pockets of insurgency but in a country of our size
and diversity, this is only natural.
The important thing to note is how well we have managed these
diversities and insurgencies and consolidated as a nation. Certainly, in times of war, India stands
firmly united against the adversaries. Even
the most sinister assaults on our citizens do not result in retaliation or reaction. Consider the recent terrorist explosions in
Mumbai. The citizens of Mumbai and the
nation stood as one in coping with this tragic and dastardly attack.
India’s
defence policy is flexible enough to respond to changes in the international
strategic environment. The primary task of the Indian armed forces has been to
provide security for our citizens and to defend our vital interests at home and
abroad. Democratic India also wishes to play a friendly and responsible role in
the international arena. India has
always been in the forefront of UN peace keeping missions. It has been an important actor in
international fora, particularly the United Nations. In accordance with its growing profile and role, it deserves a
place in the United Nations Security Council. India also seeks to provide an
adequate military capability for operations to promote international stability,
and humanitarian missions after natural or other disasters, providing
assistance to the civil authorities at home, and maintenance of essential
national services. India has worked for regional peace and stability and
rendered exemplary service to provide relief in times of disaster. A recent example is that of relief
operations following the Tsunami disaster.
We are also ready to cooperate with the nations of the region to provide
maritime security and participate in disaster management and disaster
forecasting mechanisms.
In its external dimension, India
has always sought a cooperative relationship with all nations. It has also made
continous efforts towards peace at the international level. It was in this
background that in the Cold War era, India had refused to side with one bloc or
another. India led the non-aligned movement to mitigate tensions at the
international level and to play a positive role in resolving conflicts. However
its proximity to the Soviet bloc for defence supplies was misinterpreted. Due
to the configuration of the Cold War era, India and some western nations, were
unable to come together and form a strong partnership. Now that the Cold War
has ended and India is rapidly integrating with a globalising world, it has
entered into either a strategic partnership or a strategic dialogue with all
important powers of the world. Our growing friendship with United States, Russia,
European Union and Japan is a testimony to this positive development. India and
China have set aside their boundary dispute to come together in the area of
economic cooperation. Earnest efforts are also being made by the two sides to
resolve the boundary issue but this does not allow our growing cooperation to
be affected. We are trying to develop close and cooperative relationship with
all our neighbours, including Pakistan. Our future vision of South Asia is a
region which is stable, at peace with each other and cooperating to accelerate
economic growth and prosperity of its people. We want our neighbours to take
full advantage of our growing market and a rapidly globalising economy.
India
has suffered from terrorism for many decades and has been able to cope with the
problem effectively. In doing so, it
has respected human rights. It is an
important player in the war against terrorism which is seen as an assault on
our secular, inclusive and democratic polity.
Countries which are undemocratic in their orientation are often a haven
for terrorists and even pursue terrorism as a part of state policy. This is an important distinction between the
defence and security policies of democracies and autocratic rulers.
Ladies
and Gentlemen, because democracies do not favour draconian measures and respect
the rule of law, they are some times perceived to be soft or weak. The process of debate and consultation also
can be a stretched out process at times.
However,
democracies are inherently strong and tend to promote defence policies which
are conducive to the welfare of their own people and to peace and stability in
the world.
With these thoughts, I would like
to once again thank the Servants of the People Society for having invited me to
deliver the Third Krishan Kant Memorial Lecture”.
SK / DM / HS
(Release ID :19025)